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Post by Deleted on May 14, 2016 15:15:43 GMT -5
Jamala performing "1944", which is about the Soviet deportation of the Krim Tatars: The wiki link: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deportation_of_the_Crimean_TatarsMay 18 is the Day of Remembrance in Ukraine for the Tatar deportation. Of course, the deportation and genocide never happened, because communists are incapable of racism. Watchin this right now! Hope she does well. It'll be good to hear the Crimean Tatar language for the 1st time at the 'Eurovision song contest'
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Post by deuce on May 14, 2016 16:44:54 GMT -5
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Post by Deleted on May 14, 2016 17:41:51 GMT -5
Jamala has just won the Eurovision!
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Post by Deleted on May 14, 2016 18:01:13 GMT -5
May 18 is the Day of Remembrance in Ukraine for the Tatar deportation. Of course, the deportation and genocide never happened, because communists are incapable of racism. Thanks for remembering the Tatars, Deuce.
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Post by deuce on May 14, 2016 20:35:44 GMT -5
This is dated, but you'll want to check this out, Hun: www.academia.edu/499190/The_Samara_Bronze_Age_Metals_Project_Investigating_Changing_Technologies_and_Transformations_of_Value_in_the_Western_Eurasian_Steppes_with_Pavel_F._Kuznetsov_and_Oleg_D._Mochalov_-_2006Chapter Two by David W. Anthony is good. Here's an excerpt: Prominent Western historians and social theorists – Michael Mann, Eric Wolf,Anthony Giddens, Benedict Anderson – have described pre-state, tribal ethnicgroups as unstable and unbounded – social clouds of steam, appearing andthen disappearing without developing lasting regional boundaries. Modernstates have borders, border police and passports, but these are recent inven-tions. They are thought to have replaced a protean pre-state flow of shiftingtribal and clan alliances. In this Western view of the past, pre-state, pre-classgroup identities – Celt, Scythian, Cimbri, Teuton, Pict – are seen either as entirely modern inventions that never existed, created for modern political rea-sons; or as brief historical phenomena that were unable to persist for anylength of time. Only the state is accorded the power to warp ethno-linguistic identity into a stable and persistent phenomenon, like the state itself. This interpretation of ancient ethnicity is applicable in many cases, but it is cer-tainly incomplete. It does not help us to understand tribal cultural frontiers thatwere stable for hundreds or even thousands of years – on the contrary, it suggests that they should not have existed. But there they are, clearly documentedby archaeologists in many places – including the steppes. Distinctive and persistent material-culture regions seem to have existed among Upper Palaeolithic foragers in Europe (Gamble 1999, 289–312), so it seems likely that they have always been with us. Recognising and understanding them is an essential problem in steppe archaeology. And it seems clear to me that one historical process – not the only one, but one possibility – that can create persistent cultural frontiers in a non-state context is, unfortunately, the second deadly sin in steppe archaeology – migration. (...)
People do not migrate, even in the modern world, simply because they are too crowded at home. Resource shortages and crowding are ‘push’factors –negative conditions at home that raise the probability of out-migration. They are only one kind of push factor, and often not the most important kind. Many migrations have causes that are essentially social, not demographic. Whereverinheritance rules favour older siblings and condemn the younger ones to goout and find their own lands or clients or hunting grounds, as in ancient Rome,feudal Europe, Mayan Central America and many parts of modern Africa, thedisfavoured siblings migrate (Kopytoff 1987; Anthony 1997). Wherever younger people are constrained and oppressed by the power of the elders, where the hand of the dead ancestors weighs heavily on social life, people who are disadvantaged because they belong to the wrong clan or occupy an unfavourable position in the hierarchy are likely to leave.
The persistent outward migrations and conquests of the pre-colonial east African Nuer were caused, according toRaymond Kelley (1985, 194–201), not by an absolute deficit of pastures within Nuerland, but rather by the internal pressures generated by a cultural system of lavish bride-price payments that made it very expensive for youngNuer men to obtain a socially desirable bride. This encouraged Nuer men to raid their non-Nuer neighbours for cattle (and pastures to support them) that could be used to pay the elevated Nuer bride-price. The Nuer cattle shortagewas produced by a cultural practice, not by the simple ratio of cattle to pasture to humans.
Migration cannot be explained just by absolute resource shortages – often it is a conscious social strategy that improves the migrant’s position in competition for status, privileges and even a good spouse. Social migrants do not necessarily leave forever – return migration is so common that modern demographers plan on it – because their real goal is to improve their status among old friends and family. Often they recruit clients and followers among the people who stayed behind, and convince them to migrate also.The demographic explanation of migration favoured by Western archaeologists depends on just one kind of push factor – population pressure – but that is not its worse flaw. It also ignores the other causes of migration entirely.
The probability of migration is determined by an interplay between ‘push’factors,‘pull’factors (the supposed attractions of the destination), the social pattern of networks of communication (which determine who has access to informationabout the destination), economic and social structures at home (which furtherconstrain which elements of the population might consider migration feasible)and transport technologies (which can greatly increase or lower the cost of movement). Changes in transport costs or in communication networks or in objective conditions at the destination will raise or lower the threshold atwhich migration becomes an attractive option. Any model of migration that ignores pull factors, the flow of information, socio-economic constraints andthe cost of transport is inadequate at the outset. The billiard-ball analogy is applicable only if the cause of migration is reduced to a single kick.
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Post by Deleted on May 15, 2016 0:37:56 GMT -5
This is dated, but you'll want to check this out, Hun: www.academia.edu/499190/The_Samara_Bronze_Age_Metals_Project_Investigating_Changing_Technologies_and_Transformations_of_Value_in_the_Western_Eurasian_Steppes_with_Pavel_F._Kuznetsov_and_Oleg_D._Mochalov_-_2006Chapter Two by David W. Anthony is good. Here's an excerpt: Prominent Western historians and social theorists – Michael Mann, Eric Wolf,Anthony Giddens, Benedict Anderson – have described pre-state, tribal ethnicgroups as unstable and unbounded – social clouds of steam, appearing andthen disappearing without developing lasting regional boundaries. Modernstates have borders, border police and passports, but these are recent inven-tions. They are thought to have replaced a protean pre-state flow of shiftingtribal and clan alliances. In this Western view of the past, pre-state, pre-classgroup identities – Celt, Scythian, Cimbri, Teuton, Pict – are seen either as entirely modern inventions that never existed, created for modern political rea-sons; or as brief historical phenomena that were unable to persist for anylength of time. Only the state is accorded the power to warp ethno-linguistic identity into a stable and persistent phenomenon, like the state itself. This interpretation of ancient ethnicity is applicable in many cases, but it is cer-tainly incomplete. It does not help us to understand tribal cultural frontiers thatwere stable for hundreds or even thousands of years – on the contrary, it suggests that they should not have existed. But there they are, clearly documentedby archaeologists in many places – including the steppes. Distinctive and persistent material-culture regions seem to have existed among Upper Palaeolithic foragers in Europe (Gamble 1999, 289–312), so it seems likely that they have always been with us. Recognising and understanding them is an essential problem in steppe archaeology. And it seems clear to me that one historical process – not the only one, but one possibility – that can create persistent cultural frontiers in a non-state context is, unfortunately, the second deadly sin in steppe archaeology – migration. (...)
People do not migrate, even in the modern world, simply because they are too crowded at home. Resource shortages and crowding are ‘push’factors –negative conditions at home that raise the probability of out-migration. They are only one kind of push factor, and often not the most important kind. Many migrations have causes that are essentially social, not demographic. Whereverinheritance rules favour older siblings and condemn the younger ones to goout and find their own lands or clients or hunting grounds, as in ancient Rome,feudal Europe, Mayan Central America and many parts of modern Africa, thedisfavoured siblings migrate (Kopytoff 1987; Anthony 1997). Wherever younger people are constrained and oppressed by the power of the elders, where the hand of the dead ancestors weighs heavily on social life, people who are disadvantaged because they belong to the wrong clan or occupy an unfavourable position in the hierarchy are likely to leave.
The persistent outward migrations and conquests of the pre-colonial east African Nuer were caused, according toRaymond Kelley (1985, 194–201), not by an absolute deficit of pastures within Nuerland, but rather by the internal pressures generated by a cultural system of lavish bride-price payments that made it very expensive for youngNuer men to obtain a socially desirable bride. This encouraged Nuer men to raid their non-Nuer neighbours for cattle (and pastures to support them) that could be used to pay the elevated Nuer bride-price. The Nuer cattle shortagewas produced by a cultural practice, not by the simple ratio of cattle to pasture to humans.
Migration cannot be explained just by absolute resource shortages – often it is a conscious social strategy that improves the migrant’s position in competition for status, privileges and even a good spouse. Social migrants do not necessarily leave forever – return migration is so common that modern demographers plan on it – because their real goal is to improve their status among old friends and family. Often they recruit clients and followers among the people who stayed behind, and convince them to migrate also.The demographic explanation of migration favoured by Western archaeologists depends on just one kind of push factor – population pressure – but that is not its worse flaw. It also ignores the other causes of migration entirely.
The probability of migration is determined by an interplay between ‘push’factors,‘pull’factors (the supposed attractions of the destination), the social pattern of networks of communication (which determine who has access to informationabout the destination), economic and social structures at home (which furtherconstrain which elements of the population might consider migration feasible)and transport technologies (which can greatly increase or lower the cost of movement). Changes in transport costs or in communication networks or in objective conditions at the destination will raise or lower the threshold atwhich migration becomes an attractive option. Any model of migration that ignores pull factors, the flow of information, socio-economic constraints andthe cost of transport is inadequate at the outset. The billiard-ball analogy is applicable only if the cause of migration is reduced to a single kick.Looks very interesting, Deuce. I just checked out the recent publication on Amazon, it is described as the final report of the Samara Valley Project. www.amazon.com/Bronze-Landscape-Russian-Steppes-Archaeologica/dp/1938770056?ie=UTF8&keywords=Samara%20Bronze%20Age%20Project&qid=1463289474&ref_=sr_1_1&s=books&sr=1-1The first English-language monograph that describes seasonal and permanent Late Bronze Age settlements in the Russian steppes, this is the final report of the Samara Valley Project, a US-Russian archaeological investigation conducted between 1995 and 2002. It explores the changing organization and subsistence resources of pastoral steppe economies from the Eneolithic (4500 BC) through the Late Bronze Age (1900-1200 BC) across a steppe-and-river valley landscape in the middle Volga region, with particular attention to the role of agriculture during the unusual episode of sedentary, settled pastoralism that spread across the Eurasian steppes with the Srubnaya and Andronovo cultures (1900-1200 BC). Three astonishing discoveries were made by the SVP archaeologists: agriculture played no role in the LBA diet across the region, a surprise given the settled residential pattern; a unique winter ritual was practiced at Krasnosamarskoe involving dog and wolf sacrifices, possibly related to male initiation ceremonies; and overlapping spheres of obligation, cooperation, and affiliation operated at different scales to integrate groups defined by politics, economics, and ritual behaviors.
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Post by deuce on May 15, 2016 1:12:29 GMT -5
Go ahead and buy it, but that's a free link in my original post.
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Post by Deleted on May 15, 2016 1:40:33 GMT -5
Go ahead and buy it, but that's a free link in my original post. That's way too expensive for me. I can not sign in to download the PDF, thanks to the ancient operating system on my laptop. With this operating system I can just about watch youtube videos. Hopefully in the near future I can pick-up a new laptop - I have had this laptop since 2008. I may have a little something about this project in one of my recent books? maybe! I hope!!
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Post by deuce on May 15, 2016 11:30:53 GMT -5
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Post by deuce on May 15, 2016 11:48:13 GMT -5
Lolz.
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Post by Deleted on May 15, 2016 17:10:41 GMT -5
Thanks Deuce. The Mongols then headed for the city of Novgorod but just 65 miles away they decided to turn south and headed for the Don basin. Spring had come and the bogs and marshes would have made movement for the Mongol horses impossible and roads impassable. During 1239 there was little activity but many Kipchak and Polovtsy nomads fled to Hungary under King Bela IV where they became Christian. In 1240 the Mongol army set off again capturing Chernigov before turning their attention to Kiev. (from the link above) I have found an interesting video about the descendants of the Kipchak nomads that fled to Hungary during the Mongol invasion. Their descendants live in Kunság/Cumania in modern day Hungary. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KunságThis is the first part of a series concerning the modern Kipchaks in Hungary by TRT (Turkish Radio Television) which is thankfully dubbed in English. Part 1 Part 2
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Post by deuce on May 18, 2016 9:30:55 GMT -5
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Post by Deleted on May 18, 2016 12:14:46 GMT -5
Volga Tatar Music
Kazanım Bolgarım, translates as My Kazan (capital city of Volga Tatars) My Bolgar.
Some Volga Tatars identify themselves with the ancient Bulgars.
The Bulgars were a Oghur Turkic speaking tribe, the western Bulgars settled in the Danube area and eventually adopted the language of the local Slavic population - forming the modern Bulgarian nation.
In the 13th century the Mongols destroyed the Volga Bulgar state, forming the Golden Horde/Altan Ordu also known as Jöchi Ulus in Russia. Eventually the Oguric Turkic language was supplanted by the more numerous Kipchak Turkic speakers in the Golden Horde.
Only the Chuvash, neighbours to the Volga Tatars speak Ogur Turkic today.
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Post by Deleted on May 18, 2016 17:49:19 GMT -5
Rise of Modu Chanyu, King of the Xiongnu.Mongolian postage stamp 2011: The 2220th Anniversary of the Hunnu Empire It was right at this time of initial expansion, in 209 B.C., that Motun took the throne and became shan-yu. The story of his succession is indicative of the kind of unswerving loyalty which he commanded, and the method of rule he used. Although Motun was the eldest son of Tumen, his father favored another son, and sought to dispose of Motun by sending him as a hostage to the Yueh-chih in the west, then attacking them. Before the Yueh-chih could kill Motun, however, he stole one of their best horses and escaped. Tumen was impressed with his son's courage and rewarded him by giving him command of 10,000 mounted bowmen. Motun disciplined these archers to shoot without question at whatever he himself hit with a special whistling arrow. Those who did not do so immediately were killed on the spot. Motun began by eliminating those men who hesitated when he fired a whistling arrow, first at his favorite horse, and then at his favorite wife. When not one of the men balked when he shot his father's finest horse, he knew they were trained to perfection. Assured of unbroken discipline, he then shot at his father, and his men obediently followed. Next Motun did away with the rest of the family who had plotted against him, and any uncooperative officials. His leadership thus firmly established within the Hsiung-nu empire, Motun was free to turn his attention outward. The eastern neighbors of the Hsiung-nu, the Tung-hu, hearing of Motun's succession, evidently tried to test the new ruler. They asked Motun to give them, first a prized horse, then one of his beautiful concubines. Both of these he gave without much hesitation, for the Tung-hu were quite powerful at this time and equal to, if not stronger than, the Hsiung-nu. But when the Tung-hu, thinking that Motun was afraid of them, became bolder and demanded some territory lying between their two countries, Motun was enraged and suddenly attacked the Tung-hu, catching them off guard and totally defeating them. He killed their leader and took a great number of prisoners and livestock.YING-SHIH YU, The Hsiung-nu, Cambridge university Press, 1990 The Chinese transliteration above is with the Wade–Giles system. In recent years Pinyin the official system of transliteration for Chinese has replaced Wade–Giles. Example between Wade–Giles and Pinyin. Wade–Giles =Hsiung-nu Pinyin=Xiongnu
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Post by Deleted on May 18, 2016 18:57:16 GMT -5
Modu Chanyu, Ruler of all the people who live by drawing the bow.Artwork by Ganbat Badamkhand. During Emperor Hui's reign, the actual government was in the hands of his mother, Empress Lu. Motun wrote her a letter around this time saying, 'I am a lonely widowed ruler, born amidst the marshes and brought up on the wild steppes in the land of cattle and horses. I have often come to the border wishing to travel in China. Your majesty is also a widowed ruler living a life of solitude. The both of us are without pleasures and lack any way to amuse ourselves. It is my hope that we can exchange that which we have for that which we are lacking.'In Empress Lu's reply to this insulting letter she says, 'My age is advanced and my vitality weakening. Both my hair and teeth are falling out, and I cannot even walk steadily. The shan-yu must have heard exaggerated reports. I am not worthy of his lowering himself. But my country has done nothing wrong, and I hope that he will spare it.' Motun then sent an envoy to thank the Empress, together with his apology. The ho-ch'in treaty was once again resumed. Some fifteen years later, in 176 B.C., Motun sent a letter to Emperor Wen which shows his boldness even more vividly. Motun begins by calling himself the "Great shan-yu of the Hsiung-nu Established by Heaven." The letter continues: 'Through the aid of Heaven, the excellence of our fighting men, and the strength of our horses, we have succeeded in wiping out the Yueh-chih, slaughtering or forcing to submission every member of the tribe. In addition we have conquered the Lou-lan, Wu-sun, and Hu-chieh tribes as well as the twenty-six states nearby, so that all of them have become a part of the Hsiung-nu nation. All the people who live by drawing the bow are now united into one family, and the entire region of the north is at peace. Thus I wish now to lay down my weapons, rest my soldiers, and turn my horses to pasture, to forget the recent affair and to restore our old pact.' YING-SHIH YU, The Hsiung-nu, Cambridge university Press, 1990
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